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B. Introduction: Jainism

Title Thumbnail: Gomateshwara Bahubali, source: worldatlas.com, access date: November 11, 2021.Hero Image: The Lord Gomateshwara Bahubali statue of Venoor (Karnataka) Jain Temple,  Height 16.0 meter (52.5 feet) constructed at 16th century, Source: discover.hubpages.com, access date: July 16, 2022.
B. Introduction: Jainism01, 02.
First revision: Nov.11, 2021
Last change: Jul.4, 2024
Searched, Gathered, Rearranged, and Compiled by
Apirak Kanchanakongkha.


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Jainism is one of the great religious traditions of India. Nonetheless, it is little known outside South Asia. For those few who have heard of the Jains, they simply form a part of the Fabulous and exotic tapestry of India - an intrinsic part of a dream-like landscape which, over the course of centuries, the west and its imagination have steadily molded around ideas like "India" or "the East."

       It all began with the Greek chroniclers. Later came the Phoenician and Roman traders. Afterward, the Arabs, the Portuguese navigators, and the Christian missionaries. Then, the German Romantics, the orientalists, the British colonizers, the hippies, and flower power people...down to the tourists we see today. Each and every generation, including those who traveled to India and those who never set foot on its soil, have played its part in weaving a tapestry portraying a fantastic, deep, exotic, and distant India. Educated Indians, on their part, have deliberately embellished this picture.

Indian Subcontinent, Source: simple.wikipedia.org, access date: November 16, 2021.

       This landscape is replete with luxuriant jungles; rimmed by inaccessible mountain ranges. There, hot spices and aromatic herbs grow, and great elephants, cobras, and Bengal tigers have their dwelling. These are lands scourged by tropical storms and crossed by extremely sacred rivers. Among the paddy fields, there are dark eyes and colorful saris. There have been reports of incredible palaces inhabited by immensely rich maharajahs, whose treasures teen with shining rubies, pearls, and amber. An estimated 300 million gods and goddesses dwell in this land, each one with his or her own temple, where incense burns incessantly. India, or rather, the Indic continent,* as an object of desire, has al-
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* 
At the present time, "India" is identified as a politically and legally defined country dating from its foundation in 1947. However, the place the author01 refers to throughout this work is much bigger and incredibly more ancient than the modern nation-state. In fact, until 1947, India was never a nation-state, a concept that is, in any case, pre-eminently European. The area that the author01 refers to is the Indian civilization, or if you prefer, that of South Asia (India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bhutan, and the Maldives) an extremely complex tectonic plate of humanity which in no way can be reduced to a mere nation. It comprises various cultures, religions, languages, social groups, ethical values, political notions, etc. Accordingly, in this volume, when we use the terms "Indian civilization," "South Asia," or "Indian continent" (let us do away once and for all with the sub-continental idea), the author01 is not referring to a political entity but rather a civilizational one.


 
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-ways been a constant on the horizon of the Western imagination. Hegel (1837:272) already observed this was so.

       Of course, there are other Indias that have been imagined that are less fantastic or evocative. The India of famines and grinding poverty; of filth and lack of hygiene. Overpopulated India teeming with boys and girls with no future. Or flooded by the monsoons and devastated by drought, the scene of catastrophic accidents. India is mortgaged by social injustice and gender violence. Or the India of inter-religious conflicts, fanaticism, and war. Indian could be as spiritually transcendent as incorrigible superstitious. Although these stereotypes are much later, excessively promoted as they are by media interests and the yellow press, they too have fed into, and helped to mold, the images of India we-Indians and non-Indians-continue to create. The mystical and exotic India of the Romantic view contrasts with the ugly India of the Utilitarian view.

       Notwithstanding, Jainism rarely forms a part of this miserable, third-world, and moribund version of India. If it is imagined at all, the Jain religion is filed, so to speak, under a subheading of the fabulous, prodigious India, the India of wisdom, the India that has long seduced the Europeans. Let us return, then, to the fabulous picture.

       At the top of some mountain, on the fringes of a village, beside a river, perhaps within an abandoned temple, extraordinary mystics mediate. Quiet, serene, the archetypes of the anonymous wisdom of the remote past: the yogis with supernatural powers; the priest versed in sacred litanies (mantras), the fakir on his bed of nails; the overzealous holy man, smeared in ashes; the dauntless ascetic, entering into total ataraxy. It is in this last category, that of the proverbial yogis, that the Jains fit into. Were not the Jains those mysterious naked philosophers (gymnosophistés) that the forces of Alexander the Great (4th century BC) came upon during their Indian campaign?

      Alexander's chroniclers tell of the meeting between the commander and a group of holy men whose wisdom was already legendary at that time. Of the gymnosophist Kalanos, it was said that he was immune to pain and pleasure, and of Dandamis that he did not dare leave India. The way of life adopted by these naked ascetics, their way of facing death, and their indifference to social conventions all left a deep impression on the Macedonians. A little later, the Stoics saw the practical culmination of their theories concerning immunity to pleasure and pain (Halbfass 1988: 435). While not everyone accepts that these naked ascetics were Jains (von Glasenapp 1925: 163-165), it remains a likely possibility (Drew 1987:147). This is a curious state of affairs: the first Indian monk to capture the West's imagination were precisely those whom it then forgot almost wholly. Even Diogenes Laertius (3rd century) spoke of these wise men. They wondered just to what extent they had affected Hellenic philosophy (Halbfass 1988: 3). There was some sparse mention centuries later on the lips of the missionaries or of some German intellectual. But gradually, the references disappeared; today, if Jainism appears at all on the West's horizon, it

Source: https://th.gov-civ-guarda.pt/ganges-river, access date: 23 November 2021.
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has to do with the fact that India populated with strange ascetics that fascinated the Greeks. The initial image formed has endured and remained with us, ever more fuzzy and lost amid legends.

       I think it is quite legitimate and healthy that fables should be spun out of these stereotypes, and the imagination is left to free-wheel. After all, India has long been the land of fables and legends and has constantly stimulated a healthy vein of daydreaming. But, at the same time, I think a measure of correct information would also be valuable. My argument is that knowledge is one of the few cures that we have for healing intercultural respect and for approaching the daunting complexity that is India. Reviewing the clichés this way is not a cold, soulless reappraisal of the scene but rather a more stimulating, more profound comprehension of a great tradition.


 
BASIC INFORMATION

On a more prosaic level, the purpose of this book is none other than to fill in the gaps, the lacunae of information that we have where this religion is concerned. In following the dynamics and the development of Jainism, I have sought to cover its main aspects: its cosmology, mythology, origins, and transformations, its own perception of history, major figures, main religious groups, castes, scriptures, philosophies, ritual practices, as well as its soteriological ways, aims and objectives, ethics, iconography, connexions with other religious traditions, sacred geography, and so on. What I seek to do is provide a manual of essential information for a general readership, not necessarily specialized in this material.

       In a world of dialogue, it becomes indispensable to have knowledge of the values and referents of the different cultures on this planet. And to understand a society as intricate as the Indian one, knowledge of its religious expression is fundamental. If only for its historical importance, readers should familiarise themselves with the cardinal practices and teachings of the Jains.   

 
DYNAMICS AND  HISTORY OF  THE TRADITION

In my opinion, studying other cultures should form a part of the general education provided in schools. And the first thing that should be taught is that, in a planetary situation, dialogue between cultures is asymmetrical; it takes place in a Western medium, using a Western language, and in fact, the very concept of intercultural dialogue sounds suspiciously Euro-American. In a certain sense, the rest of the world has no choice but to undergo what is known as westernization or modernization (on the ideological, technological, economic, and political levels) as ambiguous and in need of qualification as these concepts.

 
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might arguably be. To palliate the effects of ravaging globalization, a good antinode is precisely the learning and understanding of the "Others." This book seeks to foster and expand this understanding. At the same time, the journey toward modernity means that each culture will have to rediscover and reinterpret its own identity.

       The exciting thing is that for Jainism, this is not new. The whole of its history, as in the case of any other tradition, has to be seen in the context of continual dialogue with the Other, about which it defines itself, it struggles, it opposes, it is stimulated, and it reconsiders. Let us take a look.

       Jainism is an ancient religion, with at least 2,500 or 3,000 years of more or less recorded history and infinite eons of another history, nowadays usually termed "mythical." Initially, the members of this community were known as "bondless ones" (nirgranthas), a label that reflects the ascetic nature of this religion. Its historical and mythical leaders were called by the strange name of "ford makers" (t
īrthakaras). Ford? Yes, crossing places in rivers would enable others to cross over to the farther shore of liberation (nirvāṇa). A synonym for tīrthaṅkara is the word jina, which means “victorious” or “spiritual victor” (Monier-Williams 1899: 421). The tīrthaṅkara or jina is someone who vanquishes his passions, rids himself of attachment, who attains enlightenment, and preaches the Jain path by which others could reach the further shore of salvation. The last of these perfect guides was Mahāvīra (6th-5th centuries BC), the jina of our times. Jainism is, as its name suggests, the religion these jinas gave to the world. All followers of this path marked out by the jinas are known as jainas or Jains.

       At the origin, the Others about which Jainism began to define itself were Vedic Brāhmaṇism and a series of religious groups referred to as Śramaṇic, the foremost of these being Buddhism and, in fact, the group to which Jainism itself pertained. For many centuries, Buddhism constituted this Other, at one and the identical time sister and rival, a religion with which Jainism both struggled and learned and fed. Later, the Other took the form of devotional Hinduism, especially the Śaiva and Vaiṣṇ
ava persuasions. Then came Islamic India. In the 19th and 20th centuries, there was the British Raj. Today, Jainism has to respond to modernity and Hindu nationalism. In all cases, Jainism has had to transform itself and create a new discourse. This long history of interaction is another thing I want to clarify in this book. Jainism is not a sacred monolith but rather a tradition that has transformed itself in response to its journey to the new; Jainism – and Indian traditions as a whole – possess more resources and capacity for adaptation than we think.

       For decades observers have had the impression that Jainism had reached the fag end of its history; it was an unchanging tradition with no real developments (von Glasenapp 1925: 163-165), which remained utterly conservative. I hope to show, however, that although the tradition has placed particular emphasis on
 
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faithfulness to its principles, it was not and is not as static as it is made out to be. Therefore, I believe that the historical approach I have partially adopted and the incursions into other ways of understanding the religion in other Indian traditions are relevant. From this point of view, one understands that all traditions are dynamic phenomena, in perpetual motion and contact with the Others. Only thus can we realize the value of the immense role played by Jainism in the construction of Indian civilization, I believe that the study and popularisation of  South Asian history have placed too much emphasis on Brāhmaṇic, Vedic, and Sanskrit elements, to the detriment of other equally key factors – Buddhist, Jain, Tantric, Hindu devotional, Tribal, Muslim, Sikh, and Christian. This work seeks to restore Jainism's proper place in constructing Indian civilization. Let us look at an example.

       The present-day Jain community is not significant. It numbers about 4.5 or 5 million practicing faithful and has remained within the confines of the country of its birth, India, with just small enclaves of Indian Jains in Africa, Europe, America, and other points of Asia. However, in former times, it was a religion with numerous followers, especially between the 5th and 12th centuries, when it successfully rivaled the other Indian traditions. Its influence on the values and practices of Hindus and Buddhists was considerable. Jainism has, for example, been the religion that puts the most significant emphasis on such issues as vegetarianism or non-violence (ahisā), which are today the heritage of millions of Indians and the Indic religions. The doctrine of ahisā gained such prestige that Brāhmaṇism raised it to the status of the cardinal virtue. Its entire system of worship based on the sacrifice of animals stipulated in the holy scriptures. Had to be drastically revised. It is not surprising that the two greatest monarchs of India, the Buddhist Aś
oka (3rd century BC) and the Muslim Akbar (16th-17th century), were visible proponents of the doctrine of non-violence. Today, Hindu devotional worship (jā) is invariably vegetarian, and the slaughter of animals has been prohibited in many states of India. Thanks to Gandhi’s message, the ethics, and praxis of non-violence have reached every corner of the planet.

       The above will challenge the widespread cliché – well dissected by John Cort (1998: 3) – that the Jain religion is like the poor and more or less insignificant relation of Hinduism or Buddhism.

       Indeed, let's examine the treatises on South Asian spirituality. Jainism appears – invariably in the shadow of Buddhism – when the wave of spiritual unrest afflicting northern India in the 8th-4th centuries BC is considered. The treatises speak of the intellectual and social changes of this crucial time and of the new traditions of renunciants-of-the-world (Śramaas) led by charismatic leaders like the Buddha and Mahāvīra. Then, from this point onward, the Jain religion disappears from the treatises. Jainism is identified only with its most ancient formulation and its weight is recognized only as the challenge it represented for the Vedic and Buddhist traditions, some centuries before the Common Era. Authors like Kundakunda (2nd century), Umāsvāti (3rd-4th cen-    
 
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turies), Haribhadra (8th century), Jinasena (9th century), or Hemacandra (12th century), whose genius had a tremendous impact on Indian philosophy and spirituality, are not even mentioned. Similarly neglected is the influence Jainism had on the Gaṅga, Rāṣṭrakūṭa, Hoysala, or Solaṅkī dynasties in the post-Gupta period (middle ages). Scarcely studied, too, are the practices of worship in the temples or the ideals and practices of the lay community – not to mention the enormous impact that Jainism had on the development of the vernacular languages: Tamil, Kannada, Marathi, Hindi or Gujarati. Yet another aspect scarcely mentioned is the powerful influence that Jainism had on Indian literature and art. Moreover, the general tone of many Western scholars borders on scornful. Jainism is presented as marginal, as being of little or no consequence for modern society; alternatively, it is depicted as a washed-out, atheist, and irrelevant sect (Hopkins 1898: 296). At best, the only interest Jainism is seen to hold is in its having preserved an archaic, pre-philosophical, and pessimistic vision of the world.
 

The Later Guptas as vassals of Harsha C.625 CE., Source: en.wikipedia.org, Access date: May 09, 2023.
 
INDOLOGISTS VERSUS SOCIOLOGISTS
 
       Obviously, real experts know the importance of this tradition. There is a long tradition of Jain studies.

       The pioneers were European missionaries and army officers like Thomas Colebrooke, Horace Wilson, Otto Böthlingk, and Father J. Stevenson. He translated the first Jain texts into European languages in the first half of the 19th century. At the end of that century came the first severe studies by Indologists and Sanskritists of the stature of Albrecht Weber, George Bühler, and Hermann Jacobi. In the 20th century, another generation of scholars, like Walther Schubring and Ludwig Alsdorf, contributed to enriching our knowledge. The general introduction by Helmuth von Glasenapp, Der Jainismus, published in 1925, represented an essential advance in disseminating this tradition for the intelligent lay reader. Of course, I am referring to the works of Western authors writing for a Western audience. I do not include here the numerous studies by the Jains themselves, so liberally drawn upon by the Indologists.

       The next milestone in disseminating knowledge of Jainism was the superb introduction by Padmanabh Jaini, The Jaina Path of Purification, published in 1979. But the problem with Jainology is that its works tend only to be known by scholars and are not so accessible to the less specialized reader. And there is yet another problem.

       Most studies of religions tend to concentrate on the spiritual virtuosos and their path (monks and nuns, renunciants, saints, and prophets) while tending to forget or dismiss the spirituality of the great majority. Jainism is no exception to this. One only needs to leaf through most of the authors mentioned above to see they have concentrated on Jainism’s written tradition, transmitted by ascetic.


 
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monks whose work is based on the concerns and characteristics of the monastic community.  As a result, Indologists have bequeathed us a relatively arid, androcentric, and ascetic picture of Jainism. With few exceptions, the vision that is offered is excessively concentrated on textual study or on historical details. Significantly, there are many more treatises that deal with the ancient history of the Jains than with the living Jainism of today. The experts have bequeathed the unfortunate cliché that only ancient India has anything to teach us.

       Although the viewpoints of the Indologists and Sanskritists are of fundamental importance in understanding the Jains, they, more than any others, have encouraged the classical stereotypes attributed to the community: that of their excessive sobriety, austerity, and tendency to go in for ordeals. Without denying the importance that asceticism has for members of the community, all those of us who have lived with members of this community will agree with me – and John Cort (1991:213) – in that Jains are no less lively than ever-extrovert Hindus, nor are their rituals less eye-catching or sensual even, than those of their neighbors. There is a yawning gulf between the monastic view of Jainism and the living religion practiced by the lay people. The same can be said about Hinduism in general, and hence the great disillusionment of enthusiasts when they have read or studied (Said 1978: 122-123).

       I think that the language of historians and Indologists has to be complemented by that of sociologists and anthropologists, who can offer us a more up-to-date picture of the tradition. Textual study is essential to get to know the religious thought of a people, but this is insufficient for determining their religious behavior. Precisely by putting somewhat less emphasis on textual study and combining it with field work, new writers have emerged like Ken Folkert, John Cort, Paul Dundas, Caroline Humphreys, James Laidlaw, Christopher Chapple and Lawrence Babb, who have provided a richer and livelier view of Jainism. I believe that is important to make available anthropological information that explains the tradition as lived by the great majority of its adherents. The Jainism of lay people, let us state this once and for all, is not an inferior, dilute or popular version of a true or authentic Jainism practised by the monks and nuns (we could say the same of Buddhism). Lay Jainism is an integral way of life, and is a path for spiritual progress which follows the same lines, in the same direction, as those of their virtuoso ascetic counterparts. However, they integrate the values, aims and traditional metaphysics in a different way.

       Although as a general rule I shall maintain the impersonal voice of the Indologists (not because of any presumed objectivity but as a way of recognizing my appropriation of the ideas and evaluations of the experts) and I am equality indebted to the work of the ideas and evaluations of the experts) sociologists, this work is based also in my direct experience with different Jain groups in Delhi, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Maharashtra and Karnataka.      
 
 
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WHAT JAINISM CAN TEACH US
 
Intercultural dialogue should not lead to a mutual comprehension out of mere courtesy. I think that readers have to have the sagacity to learn from and draw on humanity’s traditions of wisdom. That is the next of the purposes implicit in this work. That is, the traditions wisdom. That is the next of the purposes implicit in this work. That is, the traditions of India should not just be made known to a wider audience just because they are practised by millions of people, or that they represent the world view of millions of people, or because the world has shrunk, but because they have something to contribute to any corner of the world. Jainism can teach us.

       Asia would not be what it is without the great Jain contribution of non-violence (ahisā), channelled marvellously by Buddhism: the virtue of not harming any living being, or more exactly, the righteous state of mind ever mindful not to inflict harm on any such creature nor on one self. Ahisā is the fundamental feature that would characterise the Jain community as a whole and Jainism as a religion. This ethic has inspired all sections of the community for centuries and has served to carry the classic forms of Jainism down to the present. The virtue of ahisā is the epicentre of what could be a Jain way of life. And the world would do well to put this virtue in pre-eminent position, and adopt a more Jain-like vision of our environment, human relations and the beings around us. Jain teaching on non-violence constitutes one of the most powerful and committed solutions to the problem of violence in the world.

       From the Indian perspective, all of us take part in the same flow of life (sasāra). Nature and society are not in opposition. At the same time, India has to take on the challenge of modernization. And modernism invariably brings with its consumerism, aggressive capitalist viewpoints, the exploitation of the environment, the use of invasive technology, and so on. The future, from a global point of view (an overall anthropological, cultural, environmental, psychological and sociological point of view) is not looking good. Nonetheless, India has its own resources for dealing with these problems. And one of these, although obviously not the only one, resides in the country’s renunciant traditions. For many centuries, the renunciants of India (Buddhists, Jains, Śaivas) have preached silently, by example, the virtues of frugality, non-attachment, non-violence and non-consumerism. There are many ways to adapt and reinterpret the ethics and spiritual values of Jainism to help to palliate modern social and environmental ills. A more compassionate attitude to animals, ethically – if not necessarily in dietary terms – more vegetarian, with less attachment to possessions, could bring about much good for society.

       Jainism, at the same time, promotes the doctrine of non-absolutism (anekāntavāda) a concept that could be translated as philosophical pluralism. A reconciliatory pluralism that seeks to avoid all extremes. I believe that an acute perspectivism such as we find in Jainism could help to bring about a world, an existence, that is healthier, more understanding and more intelligent.
 
 
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And it could be a good antidote to the tendency, precisely, in many religions, to become hide-bound in dogmas or fundamentalisms of various kinds (Chapple 1993:93).

       What I want to show with these examples is that one can live the idea and the practice of non-violence or pluralism in the Jain way. What is more, all those who have familiarised themselves to some extent with Jainism have become Jains sui generis. Perhaps much of Jain teaching may sound strange, distant, exotic and even impracticable. It is not a question of conversation to any religion, or dressing up as saints. I am aware that is not always easy to incorporate an ascetic and soteriological path into our modern and secular contexts. This book is an invitation for each of us to interpret Jainism – or, while we are at it, any spiritual tradition – in a creative and fertile way. It is only by having other reference points that the possibility of revising one’s own convictions becomes available.

       For me, the experience of Jainism has been supremely enriching. This is an only partially academic book. Above all it has been my own personal study, the fruit of my sympathy and attunement with many of the teachings of this tradition.


 
HERMENEUTICS
 
The learning of other wisdoms is no simple matter. It requires the audacity to surrender ourselves to be taught by others while yet not renouncing a critical spirit or convictions that we consider valid. I am conscious that reinterpreting the traditions, plucking a little from here and a little from there, could emerge the classic pot-pourri of beliefs à la carte without any kind of solid structure. It requires too a certain acuteness and intelligence, to know how to discriminate between what we can learn and what will be irreconcilable with our background; and a certain lucidity and imagination so as not to lapse into shallow superficialities or passing fads.

       Freeing oneself of Eurocentric modes – whether one is Western or Indian – is a much more difficult task than it may at first seem. But we can open up an intercultural focus that will prove fruitful. And to open oneself up and to learn a new “language” we first have to listen to it. For that reason, I also present this work as a point of departure so that readers who are already familiar with Indian religions can move beyond the basic facts. This book is also an invitation to study the traditions of India: to study its philosophy, its art, its ways of life, its way of going into the world, its way of leaving the world…in short, its way of engaging with the spiritual dimension of life within Indic traditions and more particularly the Jain tradition. For that reason I have gone beyond merely providing information or historical facts to give deeper insights and considerations. I have sought to explain the meaning of some of these religious aspects and symbols:
 
 
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What does this or that goal really mean, how does the tradition perceive its own history, how it can be that deity is lesser than an enlightened being, what is a sacred text, what feeding a monk means, etc.

       Every anthropological, Indological, historical or sociological study of South Asia is a work of interpretation. There are points where readers may have the impression that I have forsaken my approach of writing for the intelligent lay reader and have ventured onto ground only suitable for experts. That is not my intention. My basic working assumption is that readers want something a little more stimulating than a mere compilation of facts. They will want to know about the deeper meaning of the spirituality and anthropology of a civilisation. To do so, they must (if they are not from an Indian or Indologist background) submerge themselves in an unfamiliar world and allow themselves to be impregnated by a mentality that understands things from what is at times a radically different perspective. And to be able to interpret the thinking and behaviour of India it will be necessary to empty the mind of certain constructs, categories, ways of understanding the world or religion, that are typical of the Western traditions.

 
Sources, Narratives, & Vocabularies:
01. adapted fromJAINISM, History, Society, Philosophy, and Practice, written by Agustín Pániker, MOTILAL BANARSIDASS Press, ISBN: 978-81-208-3460-6,  Reprinted 2017, Delhi Bharata.
02. adapted from. An Introduction: Janism, writtenby  Jeffery D Long, published by I.B. Tauris & Co Ltd., ISBN: 978-1-84511-625-5 (HB), 2009, New York United States.






 
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